Cover image for 38 nooses : Lincoln, Little Crow, and the beginning of the frontier's end
38 nooses : Lincoln, Little Crow, and the beginning of the frontier's end
Berg, Scott W.
Personal Author:
First Vintage Books edition.
Publication Information:
New York : Vintage Books, 2013.
Physical Description:
xiii, 363 pages : illustrations, maps ; 21 cm
"In August 1862, after suffering decades of hardship, broken treaties, and relentless encroachment on their land, the Dakota leader Little Crow reluctantly agreed that his people must go to war. After six weeks of fighting, the uprising was smashed, thousands of Indians were taken prisoner by the U.S. Army, and 303 Dakotas were sentenced to death. President Lincoln, embroiled in the most devastating period of the Civil War, personally intervened to save the lives of 265 of the condemned men, but in the end, 38 Dakota men would be hanged in the largest government-sanctioned execution in United States history." -- Back cover
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E83.86 .B47 2013 Adult Non-Fiction Non-Fiction Area
E83.86 .B47 2013 Adult Non-Fiction Open Shelf

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A Kirkus Reviews Best Book of the Year

In August 1862, after suffering decades of hardship, broken treaties, and relentless encroachment on their land, the Dakota leader Little Crow reluctantly agreed that his people must go to war. After six weeks of fighting, the uprising was smashed, thousands of Indians were taken prisoner by the US army, and 303 Dakotas were sentenced to death. President Lincoln, embroiled in the most devastating period of the Civil War, personally intervened to save the lives of 265 of the condemned men, but in the end, 38 Dakota men would be hanged in the largest government-sanctioned execution in U.S. history.

Writing with uncommon immediacy and insight, Scott W. Berg details these events within the larger context of the Civil War, the history of the Dakota people and the subsequent United States-Indian wars, and brings to life this overlooked but seminal moment in American history.

Author Notes

Born and raised in the Twin Cities, Scott W. Berg holds a BA in architecture from the University of Minnesota, an MA from Miami University of Ohio, and an MFA in creative writing from George Mason University, where he now teaches writing and literature. The author of Grand Avenues: The Story of Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the French Visionary Who Designed Washington, D.C., he is a regular contributor to The Washington Post.

Reviews 4

Publisher's Weekly Review

Berg, a teacher of writing and literature at George Mason University, turns his attention from Pierre L'Enfant, planner of Washington, D.C. (Grand Avenues), to the Dakota War of 1862 in a gripping narrative of this little-known conflict and a careful exploration of the relationships between events of the Civil War and America's expansion west. Berg illuminates the growing clashes between whites and Indians and reveals the contradictory stances taken by such participants as Dakota chief Little Crow, a white woman Little Crow had taken as a hostage, an Episcopalian bishop, army officers, and political leaders-including Abraham Lincoln. The first military commission used in the Indian wars sentenced 303 warriors to death after hearings that were held without defense representation and usually lasted only a few minutes. Lincoln stayed most of the executions, rejecting the commission's criterion that "any armed resistance to white encroachment was worthy of death." Nevertheless, in America's largest mass execution, 38 Indians were hanged from a single scaffold in December 1862. Although the reader knows the eventual outcome of these battles-near extermination of Indian tribes and cultures-Berg maintains suspense about individual fates to round out this nuanced study of a complex period. B&w illus. Agent: Eric Lupfer, WME. (Dec.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved.

Choice Review

This is historical fiction, an exercise many historians find frustrating. The author's interest in enlarging his story drives expanded discursions from the central focus, while his confusing documentation leaves him open to scholarly questions. The rope of this story has been shaken too far if keeping the historical investigation narrowed were the author's goal. Extended digressions about Bishop Henry Whipple, Colonel Henry Hastings Sibley, and General John Pope repeatedly push the reader's patience. More about leaders like Little Crow, his peoples, or even Presbyterian missionary Thomas Williamson (still revered among the Sioux), with less about self-serving captive Sarah Wakefield, would be an improvement. The intrusive Black Hawk War tale, with its incredulous, novelistic story about Lincoln-Little Crow parallel lives, unnecessarily attempts to dramatize a study where the spotlight should remain on the three dozen plus two doomed warriors. The attempt to incorporate Civil War events is also strained, largely because Berg thinks he should forward his descriptions of slaughter pens like Fredericksburg and Antietam. Repeated minutiae about them are well known, but far too little is known about the sorrows that crushed the Minnesota Sioux. Only for ardent fans of fictionalized history or popularized treatments of the Indian Wars. Summing Up: Recommended. Public libraries. J. H. O'Donnell III emeritus, Marietta College

Booklist Review

The first large-scale military conflict with the so-called Sioux Nation did not occur after the Civil War nor take place on the buffalo-laden Great Plains. In 1862, the various bands of the Dakota, or eastern Sioux, fed up with broken treaties and the delay of promised annuities, rose up in an orgy of violence that terrorized white settlements in Minnesota. When it was suppressed, hundreds of settlers and Dakota were dead, the Dakota were forcibly relocated, and 38 leaders of the rebellion were executed in a mass hanging. As Berg indicates, the grievances and the clumsy, confused, and vindictive responses of the military and federal government set a pattern for the further tragedies that characterizes the wars against the Plains Indians. Although Berg's sympathies are clearly with the Dakota, he avoids preaching and strives successfully to present a balanced narrative of the conflict while providing excellent portrayals of some of the key participants. This is a valuable but understandably depressing account of an obscure but important episode in our history.--Freeman, Jay Copyright 2010 Booklist

Library Journal Review

Enraged by decades of land cessions and treaty violations, a group of Dakota Sioux warriors murdered five settlers in Minnesota on August 17, 1862. The event sparked the Dakota War of 1862, an extremely violent conflict that ended with the defeat of the Native Americans at the Battle of Wood Lake on September 23. While Berg (Grand Avenues: The Story of Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the French Visionary Who Designed Washington, DC) does an admirable job of detailing the conflict, the strength of the work is in his account of how military tribunals were used to convict native warriors for warring against the United States without allowing the warriors any semblance of legal rights. Although more than 300 warriors received the death penalty, President Lincoln commuted the sentence of 265 of the condemned. The remaining 38, who were accused of rape and murder, perished in the largest mass execution in U.S. history. VERDICT This fascinating book examines the opening salvo in the U.S. conquest of the Great Plains and is highly recommended for all readers.-John Burch, Campbellsville Univ., Lib., KY (c) Copyright 2012. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.



Chapter Five ------------ On Thursday, August 21, 1862, the news from Minnesota rode the wires thirteen hundred miles to Washington, D.C., and the telegraph room on the second floor of the War Department building, a few hundred steps across the west lawn of the White House. There it was transcribed and added to a stack of messages in the converted library facing Pennsylvania Avenue that had become a strategic crow's nest for Abraham Lincoln. The president's standard practice when awaiting bulletins from various fronts was to wear out the path to the War Department, climb the steps, and look through all of the telegrams. He would keep the messages in order until he stopped, turned to the telegraph operators, and said, "Well, boys, I am down to the raisins." Borrowed from a doctor ministering to a vomiting child, the metaphor meant that he'd reached a message he'd seen on his previous visit. More than a routine, this was Lincoln's way of wresting control of the flow of information from his generals and wiring himself directly into the mechanism of the war. Earlier in the year all of the telegraph lines in the North had been placed under the control of the War Department, and since that time keeping up with the wired messages had become an obsession. The first telegram from Minnesota was addressed from Governor Ramsey to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton. It began, "The Sioux Indians on our western border have risen, and are murdering men, women, and children." A second message followed hard after, from Minnesota's secretary of state to Stanton's assistant war secretary, C. P. Walcott: "A most frightful insurrection of Indians has broken out along our whole frontier. Men, women, and children are indiscriminately murdered; evidently the result of a deep-lain plan, the attacks being simultaneous along our whole border." Other communications from the frontier would soon follow, all elbowing for room among the business of the Civil War. Dozens of other messages in the pile had arrived this day from every part of the Union, almost all of them concerned with Lincoln's recent order that the states furnish 300,000 additional troops, asking questions about transport, outfitting, pay, mustering protocols, and timetables. There may have been no worse time during Lincoln's presidency--or, for that matter, during the nation's history--to convey such information with any hope of a speedy response. Thirteen months earlier Lincoln had finished his extraordinary first hundred days in office, shaking off the last lingering sense in the North and South that he was a country bumpkin elevated far above his station. He had turned the shelling of Fort Sumter into a Union rallying cry while managing to keep the border slave states in the fold; he had corralled, if not unified, a seemingly uncorrallable cabinet; and he had created an army and put it into motion across the famous "thousand-mile front" of the Civil War. These developments seemed to be a series of small miracles. Then, in July 1861, naïve and high-spirited Union forces had been routed at Bull Run, just thirty miles southwest of the White House, and cold reality had set in. Gray and frostbitten February had brought the sudden sickness and death of his favorite son, Willie, after which First Lady Mary Todd descended into a grief so deep and lasting that her husband feared permanent madness was finally setting in. In March the ironclads Monitor and Merrimack had fought their famous battle in Tidewater Virginia, resulting in a standoff that kept the Confederate navy from approaching Washington, D.C., and April had seen Ulysses S. Grant's important victory at Shiloh. A growing attachment to Tad, his youngest son, began to mend Lincoln's heart, and as his spirits returned, so did his energy for war: he reorganized and reassigned many of his senior generals, created new military districts, and watched with satisfaction as the Union army headed toward Richmond with 58,000 troops. Early summer was an optimistic time, even for a leader as naturally suspicious of good news as Lincoln, but it was not to last. As the summer of 1862 wore on, Union forces began to founder badly. n June, Lincoln thought that General George B. McClellan had pinned Robert E. Lee to the ground at Richmond, but over a period of two discouraging weeks the Union forces had reversed direction, first mounting a fruitless siege and then conducting a series of retreats, a defensive strategy based on McClellan's astounding overestimations of Confederate manpower. Then, as the Northern army sat impotent on Virginia's James River, the greater portion of Lee's men headed north along a line that seemed to point straight at the White House. The failure to take Richmond or adequately cover Washington created embarrassing headlines--the capital in danger!--and had persuaded Lincoln to import yet another general from the West, John Pope, a young, portly engineer with old family connections to President Lincoln, and give him the job of keeping the "secesh" from marching across the Potomac River and up Pennsylvania Avenue. Pope had seen some small-scale success in early action along the Mississippi River and suffered no lack of confidence, but this didn't help him against Lee, who just two months into his command of the Army of Northern Virginia had already made every Union commander in the eastern theater look like a boy inexpertly playing a tabletop game of war. On August 19 Lincoln told his cabinet that he was now "to have a sweat of five or six days" as he waited to see if and when McClellan would coordinate with Pope to create a force of sufficient size to protect the capital and deal Lee a real blow. McClellan had finally been ordered to withdraw from the Peninsula to a position halfway up the Potomac River to Washington, and the general was following those orders, albeit with excruciating slowness. As Ramsey's telegram arrived on August 21, in the middle of Lincoln's "sweat," generals, battles, and Indian uprisings took a back seat to a public letter written by Horace Greeley, publisher of the New York Tribune. It was an era of enormous power for newspaper editors, and Greeley was the most powerful of all, a man with astonishing influence and reach whose newspaper boasted the largest circulation of any in the world. Lincoln's early Whig principles had aligned with Greeley's politics--the two had briefly served together in the House of Representatives--but when Greeley supported the Democrat Stephen Douglas against Lincoln in his 1858 run for Illinois's open Senate seat, the two men had begun to walk around one another in wary, if mostly collegial, circles. Both men were Whigs turned Republicans with modest upbringings, and both were riding out tumultuous marriages while they bent their minds to the largest and most pressing crisis in their country's history. Greeley had admired Lincoln's Cooper Union speech, both for its plain poetry and because it was delivered with such aplomb and conviction to Greeley's own people, New York's intellectual and cultural elite. Their correspondence was frequent and usually friendly. But by the time the Civil War entered its second year, Greeley's ever more vocal anti-slavery stance and Lincoln's insistence that preserving the Union was his first and only priority put them in the situation of disagreeing fundamentally about executive policy while belonging to the same party and holding many of the same principles. Now that Lincoln's presidency had passed its first birthday and the war seemed ever more grim and intractable, Greeley had settled into a pattern of not-so-gentle prodding. What the editor wanted most of all was immediate emancipation. A proclamation to free all of the slaves was still far from an expression of the public will, nor was it Lincoln's strategy, but the president paid attention because Greeley was very smart, commanded a wide audience, and was the standard-bearer for liberal Republicans who might hold one key to increased support for the war. Entitled "Prayer for Twenty Millions," Greeley's letter had been published in New York the previous day, but only on August 21, the same day that news of the Dakota uprising in Minnesota arrived, did a copy reach Lincoln's desk. The president read the text with care. Greeley's message, as he knew before he read the first word, was anything but a "prayer." Rather, it was a 2,200-word accusation of dereliction laid at Lincoln's feet. Greeley opened by throwing down a gauntlet: "[A] great proportion of those who triumphed in our election, and of all who desire the unqualified suppression of the Rebellion now desolating our country, are sorely disappointed and deeply pained by the policy you seem to be pursuing with regard to the slaves of the Rebels." Excerpted from 38 Nooses: Lincoln, Little Crow, and the Beginning of the Frontier's End by Scott W. Berg All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.

Table of Contents

Introductionp. ix
A Note About Namesp. xv
38 Noosesp. 1
Afterwordp. 303
Acknowledgmentsp. 309
A Note on Sourcesp. 313
Notesp. 317
Selected Bibliographyp. 335
Indexp. 347