Cover image for Happy days are here again : the 1932 Democratic convention, the emergence of FDR--and how America was changed forever
Happy days are here again : the 1932 Democratic convention, the emergence of FDR--and how America was changed forever
Neal, Steve, 1949-
Personal Author:
First edition.
Publication Information:
[New York] : William Morrow, [2004]

Physical Description:
x, 371 pages, 16 unnumbered pages of plates : illustrations ; 24 cm
Format :


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E805 .N43 2004 Adult Non-Fiction Non-Fiction Area

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Franklin Roosevelt was one of our greatest and most beloved presidents -- and yet he almost didn't get his party's nomination during his first run for the White House. Happy Days Are Here Again re-creates the crazy scheming, backroom plotting, and infighting of the 1932 Democratic convention -- a major historical event that took place over just a few days but determined the course of American politics for generations.

The extraordinary Chicago convention of 1932, rendered so vividly and dramatically by award-winning biographer Steve Neal, was one of the most suspenseful in our nation's history. Roosevelt may have entered the Chicago convention with the highest number of delegates, but the structure and rules of the nomination process prevented him from being a shoe-in. In fact, there were several viable contenders -- among them Al Smith, Newton D. Baker, John Nance Garner, and Albert C. Ritchie -- who also could have faced Herbert Hoover in the upcoming general election. With the Depression under way, it was not lost on those at this particular convention that they were not only selecting a nominee but also a president.

Among the dazzling and influential personalities Neal weaves into this high-stakes drama are Joseph P. Kennedy, William Randolph Hearst, Huey Long, Bernard Baruch, Will Rogers, Clarence Darrow, Amelia Earhart, Duke Ellington, and John Dos Passos. All of these players gathered during a Chicago summer to do battle over the leadership of their party and, consequently, the White House.

Happy Days Are Here Again calls on a wealth of primary sources and new information to provide a fresh perspective on this crucial moment in history, yet it is written with the exciting narrative pull of a novel. Ultimately, this is the untold story of the pivotal contest that remade the Democratic Party, marking the end of an era and the birth of modern America.

Author Notes

Steve Neal, a longtime political columnist for the Chicago Sun-Times, is the author of ten books. Mr. Neal died in February 2004

Reviews 3

Booklist Review

Going into the Democratic Party's 1932 convention in Chicago, putative front-runner Franklin Roosevelt was politically vulnerable, having been defeated in some primaries and lacking the two-thirds majority that a party rule required for nomination. The lease on life these facts lent to the smoke-filled rooms supports this meticulous yet dramatic account of the convention by the late political columnist of the Chicago Sun-Times0 . In addition to the behind-the-scenes power brokering that went on, Neal conjures the atmosphere in which the convention met, when delegates passed by Hoovervilles, refreshed themselves at speakeasies, and glutted themselves on rousing demonstrations and stentorian speechmaking. Unlike modern conventions, nothing was scripted, and FDR's rivals, 1928 standard-bearer Albert Smith and a host of favorite sons, had the realistic hope that the two-thirds rule would stymie Roosevelt. Neal's strength is discovering the string of talks and hinted promises that prevented this outcome. While this summer's political conventions give the work legs, it will be especially cherished as a valediction for Neal's ample politics-minded audience. --Gilbert Taylor Copyright 2004 Booklist

Publisher's Weekly Review

This book by recently deceased Chicago Sun-Times columnist Neal (Harry & Ike: The Partnership That Remade America) constitutes an excellent and instructive narrative of the Democrats' 1932 Chicago convention and the complicated personal and political mechanics resulting in the nomination of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. On the face of it, the story is simple. Governor Roosevelt of New York went into the convention with an early majority of delegates, but not the two-thirds needed to lock up the nomination against opponents Al Smith and John Nance Garner. On the third ballot, Garner allowed his delegates to be thrown to Roosevelt. In return, Garner received the vice-presidential nomination. But many tangled tales of side allegiances and backroom dealing lie behind the apparent quid pro quo, such as Joseph P. Kennedy-a man with presidential aspirations of his own-convincing media mogul William Randolph Hearst to free his bought-and-paid-for delegates and send them over to FDR. Other players in Neal's fascinating text include Will Rogers (who received 22 votes from the Oklahoma delegation on the second ballot), Amelia Earhart (a Democratic national committeewoman) and Bernard Baruch. 16-page b&w photo insert not seen by PW. Agent, Deborah Grosvenor. (On sale July 6) Forecast: With A-list blurbers (including Bill Clinton, Edward Kennedy and Scott Turow), this excellent book should have above-average sales for a work of history. (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved

Choice Review

Shortly before his death in February 2004, Neal, a columnist for the Chicago Sun-Times, wrote this chatty, delightful history of the 1932 Democratic Party convention in Chicago. While this is a book of serious history, one would expect that Neal, with a career in journalism behind him, would be an engaging, witty chronicler of this most important of 20th-century Democratic conclaves. He does not disappoint. The author is at his best when relating stories and anecdotes about the colorful personalities that enlivened the convention hall or worked their political magic behind the scenes. He conveys his facts and insights in the style reminiscent of his prior popular works, Harry and Ike (2001) and his tome for Wendell Wilkie, Dark Horse (CH, Jun'84). The 1932 Democratic convention was held in the midst of the misery of the Great Depression in a city whose unemployment rate officially stood at 40 percent but was probably even higher. Given the national disenchantment with Republican President Herbert Hoover, the convention's nominee would no doubt become the next president. That man would be, of course, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Neal tells the tale with gusto. ^BSumming Up: Recommended. Upper-division undergraduates and above. S. K. Hauser Marquette University



Happy Days Are Here Again The 1932 Democratic Convention, the Emergence of FDR--and How America Was Changed Forever Chapter One The Man Who Wasn't There Franklin Delano Roosevelt first visited Chicago in 1892, at the age of ten, when he accompanied his father on a tour of the site of the World's Fair celebrating the four-hundredth anniversary of Christopher Columbus's discovery of America. For the rest of his life, the prairie metropolis would be among his favorite cities. As the Democratic nominee for the vice presidency in 1920, he selected Chicago for the kickoff of his campaign. "Tonight," he declared from the stage of the auditorium, "we are firing the opening gun of a battle of far-reaching importance, and once again the shots are going to be heard around the world." In 1929, as the newly elected governor of New York, he made his out-of-state political debut in Chicago, speaking before a luncheon sponsored by the Democratic Party of Illinois. Although he would not discuss his own future, FDR blamed Republicans for the Great Crash and called for bold new leadership. This appearance in the heartland marked the beginning of his quest for the White House. When the 1932 Democratic National Convention opened in Chicago, Roosevelt was 836 miles away in his paneled office at the New York State Capitol in Albany. This marked only the second time in twenty years that he would not be in the convention hall for the presidential balloting. As the leading contender for the presidential nomination, FDR followed the tradition that front-runners did not engage the competition. Even though he was not on the scene, his name dominated every conversation. While a half dozen rivals courted delegates, Roosevelt had to protect his lead and find more votes. "Governor Roosevelt is as leading a candidate as one could find at the moment," a humorist wrote in The New Yorker, "bearing in mind that it is always difficult to tell just how leading any Democratic candidate is at any given moment." To win the nomination, Roosevelt would need a combination of luck and savvy political management. Louis McHenry Howe, sixtyone years old, and James Aloysius Farley, forty-four, were in charge of the Roosevelt operation in Chicago. Their war room was Suite 1702 in the Congress Hotel. The sickly and frail Howe, who had been promoting Roosevelt for the presidency for twenty years, would not leave this suite for the duration of the convention. "Except that he threw his coat aside occasionally when he took a nap," FDR speechwriter Raymond Moley wrote of Howe, "I don't think that he had his clothes off the entire week." Worried about possible subterfuge, Howe had one of his aides bribe officials at Chicago Stadium to obtain three adjacent rooms, with the center room to be used as Farley's convention hideaway. Howe ordered his aide to put locks on the side rooms and then spend the entire week night and day guarding this inner sanctum. Lela Stiles, one of Howe's assistants, recalled that her boss had a telephone booth installed in Farley's hideaway office "just to make doubly sure that no prying ears listened to any of the Farley conversations." Among the reasons that Roosevelt, a polio survivor, had not gone to Chicago was that he would have had difficulty moving through crowds and standing in reception lines. "The other candidates had a certain advantage, of course, in being on the ground," Farley said. But Howe improvised. A private switchboard was installed at the Congress Hotel with a direct line to Roosevelt's study in the Albany Executive Mansion. Howe had a voice amplifier attached with coils and wires to the switchboard for FDR's talks with delegates. "I would get on the phone first," Farley recalled, "and I'd say, 'Governor, we have in this room the delegate from Iowa. And the first man I'll introduce to you is that chap from Twin Falls, Ned Chapman, who knows you and you met him,' and then I'd mention the names of the other fellows who were there, and then Roosevelt would come on the loudspeaker and talk to these fellows, calling them by their first names, and thanking them for what they were doing. "Those chats became so popular," Farley said, "that one or two delegations complained when they thought they were being left out." Even though Roosevelt was far ahead of his nearest rival, the nomination was in doubt. Of the 1,154 delegates, FDR had more than 600 votes. A majority was 578. But under the Democratic Party's rules, he needed a two-thirds majority of 770 votes to become the nominee. It took only 385 votes to deadlock the convention and that opposition had more than enough. Roosevelt was strongest in the South and the West. Nearly half of his delegates (246) were from the Deep South and border states. He also had all sixty delegates from the Rocky Mountain states; twenty-six from the Pacific Northwest; eighty-one from the Great Plains; twenty-eight from New England; sixty-four from the Great Lakes states; and eighty-five from the Middle Atlantic region. The party's rural southern-western faction, which had once followed William Jennings Bryan and later William Gibbs McAdoo, had already chosen FDR as their new leader. What was most unusual about the Roosevelt coalition is that he did not have the support of his own region. The large industrial states of the Northeast were mostly against him, including his home base of New York. As Farley noted, Roosevelt had delegates from thirty-one of the forty-eight states. But eight of the ten largest delegations were in the opposition camp. The Stop Roosevelt movement had a majority of the delegates in the Middle Atlantic states, New England, and on the Pacific Coast. If the opposition could unite behind a single candidate, the Democrats were headed for an epic battle. "There was to be no rival candidate before the convention," Farley said, "but all of the states not definitely committed to the Governor were to throw their favorite sons overboard and unite behind some mysterious candidate who would be trotted out at the last minute." Happy Days Are Here Again The 1932 Democratic Convention, the Emergence of FDR--and How America Was Changed Forever . Copyright © by Steven Neal. Reprinted by permission of HarperCollins Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. Available now wherever books are sold. Excerpted from Happy Days Are Here Again: The 1932 Democratic Convention, the Emergence of FDR--and How America Was Changed Forever by Steven Neal All rights reserved by the original copyright owners. Excerpts are provided for display purposes only and may not be reproduced, reprinted or distributed without the written permission of the publisher.

Table of Contents

1 The Man Who Wasn't Therep. 1
2 Chicago 1932p. 10
3 Front-Runnerp. 21
4 Primary Colorsp. 35
5 Citizen Hearstp. 49
6 Bugle Callp. 65
7 Lone Starp. 80
8 The Virginianp. 96
9 East Side West Sidep. 108
10 Dollar Billp. 121
11 Ritchie of Marylandp. 133
12 Deep Riverp. 140
13 Eye of the Tigerp. 151
14 Grand Illusionp. 164
15 Hyde Parkp. 176
16 Magic Numberp. 187
17 Rainbowp. 199
18 Toddlin' Townp. 206
19 Kingfishp. 220
20 Roll Out the Barrelp. 236
21 Stalematep. 250
22 Switchp. 273
23 Wingsp. 295
Epiloguep. 315
Notesp. 325
Bibliographyp. 343
Acknowledgmentsp. 359
Indexp. 361